two appointments. Political science and art of war from '68 to global movements, NdA Press, 2008 Rimini, Emily Quartermaine Written on the anniversary of the '68 - a celebration of contingency and revisionism Unless I'm missing significant loopholes - the book traces, from the sixties, the Italian anomaly, or the peculiarities of the autonomous struggle that accompanied what is commonly viewed in the rest of Europe as a soothing generational revolt. The 69 workers, the Hot Autumn: the anomaly is paying off, the enemy is not only the master, but coincides and is located in the state.
Leyla Vahedi,
Untitled, oil on canvas, 2007.
The chapter "1960-1969, The power must be workers' tracks in the strength of the peculiarity of Italian working class and, when the idea of \u200b\u200bworkers' power becomes realistic in the actual shape of the mass, which has continued to till the utopia imagined during the partisan war. " This chapter traces and reconstructs some decisive events: Genoa-1960. It held the Sixth National Congress in Genoa MSI provocatively, hoping to usher in the final defeat of the communist specter, "a project that does not take into account the masses as 'independent variable' of political events. The fatal error for Tambroni social and political bloc, which embodies, is that it has identified and exchanged the policy and attitudes animate the direction of the Communist Party with the common sentiment of the masses. " Young people break the banks of the line (of the democratic process) of the party to find himself next to the guerrilla areas and the "logistics" that had not delivered after the order of the general demobilization. The insubordination extends and makes mass. Not too many distinctions between fascists and police, the enemy is identified in the state and ruling classes. The uprising of the "Genoese thugs" will be passed as a battle instead of democratic institutions and the middle class understands that to abandon the project coup in favor of a season of center-left government, an inter-institutional and anti-fascism. On the antagonism of class that had animated the movements, falls into oblivion. -Torino, Piazza Statute, 1962. Before the Second World War turned completely autonomous. The main enemy, rather than the state, is identified in the Master. -Rome, Valle Giulia, 1968. Students clash with police: "contrary to what are mostly used to do, do not fall into the usual escape route decomposed very similar to fight back but (...) While on a low intensity, the question Military shows how a node that the movement will be forced to ask. " -Torino, Corso Traiano, 1969. The factory in Vietnam. The Fiat workers from 45 days to fight the contract: "Under the direction of the fight in the factory looks more and more like a ground war, where the guerrilla war following the rhythms of working. Sabotage of production, wildcat strikes, sudden occupation of departments, heads etc. ambushes. combine with more traditional forms of struggle of the workers' movement. (...) Uses the slogan for most departments, "Agnelli Indochina have it in the shop '." The owner Fiat aims to prevent any link between the factory and land, and confining the workers' power within the walls of the factory. In front of the gate part 2 of Mirafiori attack the police, the workers seem disperdesi instead bringing reunite con sé i proletari delle abitazioni vicino e buone quote provenienti dai mondi illegali (“appena gli echi degli scontri tra operai e forze dell’ordine raggiungono i perimetri delle zone popolari, non pochi tra gli appartenenti alle gang di quartiere entrano in ballo, unendosi agli operai in rivolta”), i quali scendono in corteo scandendo slogan quali «Il Vietnam vince perché spara». Il riferimento al Vietnam è prezioso per mostrare la spaccatura con la sinistra colta e interclassista, che pure si era mobilitata in fronte comune con i movimenti pacifisti della cosiddetta nuova sinistra ma senza appoggiare, come invece fanno gli operai con azioni concrete, la lotta armata del popolo vietnamita. Se il 68 italiano non ha seguito fate different from other countries, 69 workers show fully the Italian anomaly, appearing in full "in the guise of spectrum for all the ruling classes, local and international." The experience of fighting Course Trajan was decisive for the workers' struggles, to learn how to move on land openly belligerent and was the highest point of capitalist development and the Italian working class conflict: "The offensive triggers requires that the owner workers to quickly learn the syntax of the war. What is beginning to take shape is aware of the limit that the fight ends up at the factory represented. Begins to take shape the strategic need di non isolare la fabbrica (…). L’uscita del potere operaio dal perimetro della fabbrica implica anche l’assunzione di un terreno di scontro più complesso e articolato dove, a essere chiamato immediatamente in causa, è lo Stato, quindi il politico. Il capitolo “1970-1973 Democrazia è il fucile in spalla agli operai” parla della reazione borghese, dal terrore bianco, al tentativo di disciplinare la classe operaia, che stava ponendo le condizioni oggettive per “spezzare la catena imperialista nel cuore dell’occidente”. Di fronte all’analisi secondo cui non sarebbe stata da escludere una soluzione “cilena” per l’Italia, si fa più marcata la frattura tra la sinistra institutional, afraid he can not support a civil war, and the radical left, which is prepared to meet the challenge of imperialism. Though aware of the level of confrontation, from practical point of view there is ground into discussions about strategy, the line between insurgency and the long term, instead of the tactical and practical point of view do not contradict each other. On the other hand Italy lives in a different context and it is not appropriate for the immediate matches 'experience with Lenin' with the Maoist. Beyond the rhetoric of anti-institutional, the Italian situation has no memory of armed resistance and accurately identifies the real issue: the identification of fascism with the power of the ruling classes. In this scenario, burst into the Red Brigades who make a leap from communist orthodoxy and are preparing to put an end to the distinction between political and military, theorizing the idea of \u200b\u200b"urban warrior" and ignoring any link with the territory. Political and military continue to remain distinct for the area of \u200b\u200bautonomy and the political ground mass is never questioned. This area is not homogeneous but although spontaneous, there is a theoretical framework largely shared that puts the figure at the center of the mass and the factory as "red base". Brigades Red Range to share the urgency of addressing the issue militarily. The protagonists of this first embryonic arms move between street fights and the exercise of countervailing power in the workplace. Initially, the service order are purely defensive, then evolve into something more structured, we can draw a parallel with the transition from war to the static trench or partisan. The battlefield extends the parade lost its importance and use of the square is instrumental and is no longer the landing point. Talk to a former militant guerrilla training: "Today we can laugh about the assumptions of a coup or establishment of a strong state, but at the time, does not seem to be the result of some paranoia too. So the talk about how to organize guerrilla fighting illegal wherever you find him at meetings of the collectives, assemblies, in small crowds that formed at the factory after the union meeting in the bar section of the Party, in university classrooms. What I mean is that this problem originated from a common feeling. (...) Despite all the differences and broken that the new era in mind, this would not have been possible, in the form they took, if there had not been behind the workers' struggles of the past and their undoubted revolutionary and communist connotation in key . (L.) Chapter "1973-1976 Create, organize, spread the armed counter-worker," says political change leading to the militarization of the parade, which now fall back and merge the "nuclear attack". All pose the problem of finding armament. Many stores are made available to supporters of new partisans. The square became one of the many scenarios in which there is the "guerrilla war". In the target falling tools and powerful men, the conflict is not only between workers and employers, but between the proletariat and state. "The match with the state no longer seems to be delayed or, at least, that's the point of view that the whole area of \u200b\u200bthe autonomy mature." The force which expresses the class itself is about to explode: factories, schools, universities no longer function as cogs in the capitalist system, yet it has a lag of organization. Autonomy maintains separate legal work and illegal employment, even if the forces for the illegal become increasingly conspicuous. The political leadership is hesitant to show, the military organization is not at the level of that of the state machine that boasts a long way. It should be noted that autonomy is difficult to rebuild the military path, unlike BR, having solved the military in politics, the military also have produced texts. Among the many problems that the movement is forced to ask themselves, there is an imbalance of forces 'materials': "When the game starts is between the proletariat and the state and the stakes are the conquest of political power asymmetry of the military forces that the two contenders are able to field is obviously considerable. On the one hand there is a powerful military and bureaucratic machine and equipped, the other a historical building with great potential means skinny and small. A comparison of proportion that can be solved only by imposing its own benefit to the enemy a type of combat in which its superiority is not essential. This land is guerrilla warfare. "Miracle allows to yield a logistic low and allows a degree of autonomy and regenerative recreation. The formation of nuclei does not require huge resources and is spontaneous, the band serves as a form of identity important. At the same time, it is difficult to create a "management" policy, the fact remains, contrary to what you believe, that autonomy was well established and entered in the class. Resistance occurs when something like the "partisan structures were formed without the directive, and most of its militants learn the art of fighting, fighting illegal immigration, the war in the mountains or the most difficult urban warfare just had to keep practicing and in some invent a way. " S., an independent Milan says, "there is no single model and hegemonic. There is substantial agreement on the guidelines. On the other hand, if you look at how to organize the spread of armed counter-worker, this seems inevitable. Indeed, one can say that the extension of armed counter-worker to follow fully the Maoist theory of the hundred flowers, rather than the rigidity of a solid program and defined once and for all. It seems almost paradoxical, but we who are considered the iperleninisti act by the Maoists, Leninists and Maoists seem to be more of us. Br are, in fact, working in that direction, (...) seem to have a conception of the revolutionary process is substantially flat. (...) For us on the contrary, history is always a process that moves and jumps for each phase presents new and different characteristics (...)". The extra-parliamentary left begin to flow through a crisis that focuses on the question of the violence of armed struggle.
The two chapters "The widespread guerrilla (Part I and Part II)" is dedicated to the reconstruction of the events of the intense two-year period 1977-1979. A reconstruction of events as well as a political reading of this linear period so fraught with consequences for years to come are not only impossible but also totally unnecessary. It is not, in fact, linear years. Italy's 1975-1976 is a country still dominated "mass-worker." That is around the figure of the worker, in political struggles, in a cascading process has been given the opportunity to join the only river in a thousand streams of the multiple fronts of class struggle. And 'round this figure and in particular its "forcing" that is made possible is the recomposition of the proletariat as a "class for itself", the assumption is conscious of the achievements of political power.
The election of 1976 marks a major advance of PCI which could become the first Italian party. A worry about the ruling class is not the election result as the political fact that it expresses: the balance of power that the working class is able di esercitare. Il contropotere operaio è fuoriuscito dalle fabbriche conquistando i territori e mettendo sotto assedio il potere borghese (sono del ’76 gli scontri alla Scala portati avanti dal proletariato milanese). Da questo punto di vista è allora evidente l’uso tattico che l’Autonomia fa del partito riformista: “ sotto la spinta della lotta autonoma operaia, il riformismo del Partito non può che spingersi sempre più avanti.”
Se ancora nel ’76 l’irrompere della forza politica e dell’egemonia culturale della classe operaia è elemento costitutivo della scena politica del paese, già sul finire del ’77 il clima politico appare cambiato. Non si tratta semplicemente di un adjustment phase but a real change in capital structure. The political offensive that the command launches against the capitalist class has a specific purpose: to annihilate the class composition. "Thus began a sudden and massive restructuring program of the capitalist mode of production that empties the large concentrations of workers and shatters the leading political figure of the mass. The processes by which this is implemented are those of relocation, outsourcing, deregulation (the spreading phenomenon of moonlighting, informal economy, of outsourcing). All this involves what is known as a transformation of the city factory widespread, where it becomes increasingly difficult to identify the dominant and central figure able to unify the entire front of the class. Somehow, what with 77 or less is beginning to become ever more difficult is the focus of the precise contours of 'friendship and enmity of class. From this point of view, the gradual emergence and spread of the practice of guerrilla warfare and fighting are the immediate response to become more and more uncertain of the overall strategic political vision of proletarian front.
In the second chapter on the period '77 - '79, to be considered are the consequences of the reorganization and the change in structure del capitale comportano da una parte sul versante istituzionale, dall’altro sulle strategie e le tattiche del contropotere operaio. Il Partito riformista cambia definitivamente faccia: “il PCI da partito del riformismo operaio diventa il migliore agente e interprete del riformismo del capitale.” D’altra parte solo il PCI con la sua struttura organizzativa e il suo grado di penetrazione nei territori e all’interno delle masse è in grado di svolgere il compito decisivo per le sorti della controrivoluzione di disciplinamento e normalizzazione dell’enorme potere eversivo conquistato dal proletariato nel corso delle lotte a partire dal ’69. “L’ Autonomia individua nelle azioni poliziesche portate avanti dallo stato more than a purely logical repressive military logic in a consistent position to adjust the actions of police during the intensification of political conflict. " If the state tends to be firm, or to exercise any power encompassing the variety of social worlds, this meant that the enemy, "if the state is everywhere, the enemy is everywhere." Autonomy, could now boast a very wide scope of influence, from life to the practice of guerrilla warfare spread. "From an organizational point of view and even more so in the political-military autonomy shows itself more like a jagged set of turbulent streams rather than the full disruptive of a unique and majestic river. " At this moment in this area began to show a decoupling of the military from politics. Paradoxically, when the deficit is overcome logistical and organizational, is lacking the basic masses who imposed and legitimized the use of the armament of the class.
"In reality the transition to widespread warfare involves a full-scale subversion of the logic of politics and war. Is central in political thought, both in the military strategy is the identification of the actual enemy. Generalizing the idea of \u200b\u200bthe enemy means to blur, and finally de-politicizing, de-legitimize the role that in turn della politica”. Ora la controparte di una nemicità indistinta è l’indistinzione anche nella definizione dell’amicizia di classe. A diventare decisivi sono allora i punti di vista soggettivi con un’inevitabile tendenza al soggettivismo e al militarismo: inevitabile in quanto dovuta al cambiamento strutturale che ha attraversato la società italiana. Il nemico non ha più una definizione oggettiva e perciò centrale diviene la sua individuazione a partire dalle “pratiche soggettive”. E’ in tale contesto che il combattimento assunto quasi come valore in sé, tende a rendersi autonomo dal politico. L’eccedenza del militare, l’assenza di un orizzonte politico strategico in cui è inserito, implies a shift from the revolutionary figure to that of the rebel. By the end of this period of extraordinary intensity worker program is on track to become manifest by the rebels.
Chapter 1980 - 1984 crisis, sunset, are dealt defeat the resolutions adopted strategies of other organizations communist fighters in front of the deep crisis from which the workers' movement before it, the crisis of Fiat which the events of 1980 give a perfect representation. "Autumn opens in Turin on 80 and a model political, social and cultural history which is yet to be written. One scenario that breaks the political class in which the hypothesis of power but was determined not seem to affect a strong tendency to fight for entire areas of young militants passed through the experience of '77. The Red Brigades know at this time a number of divisions: - the Walter Alasia, Milan column, the one that remains more anchored to the factory - the Combatant Communist Party, which favors the size and internationalist avant-garde - The Party guerrillas, the majority portion of the Red Brigades , theorizes that the shift from city to city and all-round war in the metropolis which is the materialization of the company's capital. Front Line, in contrast to the Red Brigades, which arise in this period the problem of the jump of a Party organization, there is the opposite problem of transition from one organization to the band. Prior to the eclipse of the mass line eventually ratify the political end: the assumption is that each of the many warring communities from their own subjectivity unleashed a conflict endemic but apparently devoid of purpose against all forms of state despotism. It 'clear that the common feature of all these experiences is the difficulty and inability to give concrete answers from the point of view and practical and theoretical to the fundamental changes occurring in the classroom. "Somehow the analytical categories of classical Marxism no longer seem able to play the traditional role of science class, able to read and anticipate the moves of the enemy. " The disappearance of a clear identification of the enemy, is the very foundation of politics that seems to crumble. The last chapter
political analysis is done at dusk when the reflux of the class struggle that was opened with 80s, an analysis of the new capitalist order which emerges from this period and the issues that this poses in terms of organization and consolidation of class. What with the 80 seems to be determined is the final formal notice of the categories of politics. Even the sun keywords of the revolutionary struggle: class, wage labor, the proletariat, imperialism, and above all "enemy" come from common and are accrued. The same "form party" leaves the scene. "The policy does not restrict more than a field of membership and / or aversion becomes existential, but the simple space where you compare the points of view. What is beginning to take shape is the implementation of a fully self-talk and released from the material life. "The act for social transformation," watchword of the wing by far the Manifesto of the 51 starts that journey of dissociation that occurs essentially as a manifestation of dissociation from politics. The disaster which the no-global movement meets the Genoese during the days of 2001 is the outcome of this process. On the other hand, the eclipse of politics, the disappearance of a solid and effective revolutionary theory (without revolutionary theory, there is no revolutionary movement) are the radical change of structures and the capitalist "form state" as the business committee of the bourgeoisie . In Italy the strength and the revolutionary potential that the working class was fielded in the '70s had led to a focus on the part of communist organizations at the national level, while remaining anchored to a purely local horizon. The 80 with the restructuring capitalist who is leading the transition phase following are a prelude to full manifestation in Italy scenario given the stage of global capitalism. The society of the 80s is characterized as a society where light is the figure of the isolated and atomized, where counting is the only lifestyle choice, a company that no longer has any meaning, the struggle for the achievement of collective goals . One company which represent themselves as "post-material", which focuses on pleasure and hedonism, and pacified by now immune to crisis and conflict. What's left out is attributed to the level of disease, social exclusion. Of course we speak an exclusively Western society, because outside of the Western world things are very different. Within this society seems to make sense at most to talk about "cultural imperialism". Now, within less than a decade imperialism with the tendency to war, far from being purely cultural, that is proper and contradictions of global capitalism become evident in the companies "pacified" the West. The phenomenon of immigration is from this point of view, the litmus test. Global capitalism will soon show its tendency: it needs to regulate the working units, creating larger and larger population undifferentiated labor, malleable, flexible and constantly under blackmail. "A condition that, if the migrant worker finds its best examples, and ended up shaping TIME EXISTENCE of a significant proportion of local people ascribe to the world of employment. In this scenario there are two suggestions from the perspective of a reorganization of class effective for a communist revolutionary movement seems necessary to seize and develop. "On one hand, global capitalism seems to bring a decisive reduction of the power of national governments, strongly detuned and put under the control of multinational agencies. For global capitalism is to ensure a continuous reproduction of low-cost producers, placed in a position to do no harm, thus avoiding any possibility of resistance. " E 'then a strategy capable of taking into account the redefinition of state power no longer strictly national one in the subordinate classes they need. The other important factor is the material condition of global capitalism which ascribes the subordinates. "In other words, global capitalism can develop only if the models for universal monitoring and stricter discipline, deregulating and banishing all forms of law, at least in tendency, the lower classes to simple biological life. There is thus a curious interchange. The technical basis of Primo Mondo è esportato nell’ex-Terzo Mondo mentre il modello sociale di questo, per corpose quote di popolazione, è importato nel Primo. La tendenza vigente nelle società attuali sarebbe quella di ascrivere nuovamente gli esseri umani all’interno di due ordini di grandezza incommensurabili: la bella vita da una parte e la nuda vita dall’altra”. Tale orizzonte può essere definito in qualche modo postcoloniale. Le classi subalterne sono le classi estranee alla condizione di individuo cittadino. “La figura del migrante sembra assumere una valenza generale poiché per quanto paradossale possa apparire, può essere tranquillamente estesa a tutti coloro che precipitano nella condizione poco appetibile dei dannati delle metropolis. Then play the whole game seems on the ability of class struggles to hold together in a unified global horizon, taking the international dimension of the conflict, and to rethink the Marxian categories in the light of epochal change brought about by the phase of global capitalism. If the trend in global cities appears to be to put in a new form of apartheid society, the class struggle seems to be attributed "to the color line." If the proletariat and the bourgeoisie refer to a conflictual relationship that has as its premise the non-devaluation, at least from the conceptual point of view, the opponent, the war between black and white is by definition a result of a relationship of asymmetrical power, based on the claim to a domain "natural", "organic". So much so that the order of discourse of the dominant classes as crazy bubble and diverted the very idea of \u200b\u200bthe abolition of the present state of things. The State does not know its internal enemies, but more deviant, while only rogues and bandits are threatening the international sphere. This in broad terms the global scenario that you are building. E 'therefore on this ground that the struggles and strengths of subordinates are measured.
Just from these considerations builds on what was supposed to be the last chapter of the book but in Italy it remained unpublished, The cry of the oppressed.
The chapter begins by showing how Marx's concept of primitive accumulation, Marx identifies the category by which mechanism of robbery with violence and domination which capitalism reproduces itself constantly, continue to be absolutely valid for the period of the so-called global capitalism. What sets it apart from the classical stage of imperialism seems to be the disappearance of traditional boundaries between the First and Third worlds, "the forms in which bodies are put to work in order to gain wealth coexist within the same space different forms of geopolitical control. " This must entail changes in the secondary does not form through which war capital ensures its dominance. If global capitalism certainly has not removed the conflict from our world, but in a way it has deepened, bringing out in an increasingly antagonistic and conflicting disruptive characters of subordinates, the class and its traditional composition seem to live a radical crisis . In the scenario of global capitalism certainly Marxist science remains the most critical tool in the hands of subordinates, but a watchful eye on reality shows such as the impact that the era of global capitalism has made are not secondary. The emergence of the lines of friendship and enmity to undertake a research and analysis of policy options and organizational eall'elaborazione able to restore strength to the struggles of subordinates. From this point of view in the chapter are considered some of the experiences of struggle as particularly significant because they allow you to critically consider terms such as "people", "race", "ethnic" or "colonized," "culture," "religion," in what elements constantly cohabiting with the proletarian condition but at the same time for traits and peculiarities, which in turn affects on the agar of concrete political and social movements from those made in the field. To be taken into consideration are the struggles that developed in the French banlieues, the strength of Islam Politically, the American black movement from Malcolm X to the Black panters, the Algerian resistance and the Irish. What these struggles have in common is from the condition of "internal colony" in an advanced capitalist societies: that the era of global capitalism seems to have become the norms and order of the metropolis. What's interesting are saying these struggles and these strengths are the strategies put in place "for the subordinates is not, because it is deeply unrealistic, to win political power by storming the Winter Palace but to build up and an autonomous power in the disputed where you work. " Be that is a kind of dual power in the event of a protracted war whose size is dealt with only at the international level. Perhaps the most significant to emerge from this experience is like in front of an imperialist domination that operates through the devaluation and the reduction of the enemy if the internal marginal and deviant, a terrorist if it is outside, because the subordinates are put in perspective to give the ' assault on the sky should be, first, build a new and different approach to relations with fellow human beings. The territories of the "colonized" have become, by any means necessary, safe places for people, places of socialization, solidarity and self-organized.
A chapter that the author defines a work in progress, chapter full of prospects with respect to which it might be useful to envisage a process of critical analysis and policy.
